托马斯．科温
(THOMAS CORWIN)

反对墨西哥战争
Against the Mexican War

倘若我是墨西哥人，我就会告诉你：“在你们自己的国家里没有埋葬死人的空间吗?”

美国向西域扩展时，其疆土的增加是以墨西哥爲代价的。在得克萨斯的美国开拓者们反叛墨西哥当局。于1836年宣布独立，成爲一个共和国。1845年夏，当议会辩论是否兼并得克萨斯时，《民主论坛报》的编辑，约翰．爱罗．欧萨利文极力主张兼并，因爲什麽也不能干扰美国“明摆着的命运──爲我们每年都成倍增长的数百万民衆的自由发展，扩展上苍赐予的疆土”。同年晚些时候，得克萨斯共和国成了一个州。同时，由约翰．西．弗里蒙特带领的美国开拓者进军加利福尼亚，于1846年宣告熊旗共和国成立。

由于墨西哥与美国在边界问题上意见相左，詹姆斯．科．波尔克总统派了一位代表到墨西哥，并将军队派遣到有争议的边界地区。谈判破裂后，战争便爆发了。战争受到了普遍的支特，因爲，民衆拥护所谓“明摆着的命运”这种观点。但是，有些勇士──如丹尼尔．韦伯斯特，弗莱德里克．道格拉斯和一位年轻的、名叫亚伯拉罕．林肯的伊利诺依的国会议员──谴责这场战争。

最善辩的反对墨西哥战争的托马斯．科温(1794─1865)是来自俄亥俄的辉格派参议员。作爲自学成才的律师和前俄亥俄州的州长，科温在1847年2月11日公开谴责这场战争时，正是在他的第一届参议员任期内。科温预言墨西哥战争将加剧赞成奴隶制与反对奴隶制力量之间的紧张局势，并将导致美国的内战。

科温在辩论中败北，美国赢得了那场战争。于1848年2月，美国与墨西哥签署了瓜达卢佩伊达尔戈和约。该和约将大片墨西哥土地割让给美国，包括现在的加利福尼亚、内华达和犹他，以及亚利桑那、怀俄明、科罗拉多和新墨西哥州的部分地区。五年后，美国从墨西哥购买了一块带状的位于现在新墨西哥和亚利桑那的土地，于是便完成了现在的西南部边界。

总统先生，你提议从墨西哥夺取的领土是什麽?是墨西哥古老的卡斯提长老通过多少次浴血奋战才获得并成爲墨西哥神圣核心的土地。墨西哥人的邦克山、萨拉托加和约克敦全在这一带!墨西哥人会说：“我在这儿爲了自由流血！我能把我心爱的神圣的家园拱手交给盎格鲁．撤克逊入侵者吗?他们要这土地干什麽?他们已经把得克萨斯弄到手了。他们已经拥有从新亚西斯河到格兰德河之间的土地，他们还要什麽？如果我将失去这些战场，那麽我能传给儿孙哪些独立之丰碑呢?”

先生，倘若有人向马萨诸塞州的人民索取邦克山，倘若英国狮在那儿露面，又有哪个年龄在十三岁到九十三之岁之间的人不会毅然决然地去迎战他呢?这片土地上的哪一条江河不会被鲜血染红呢?倘若要把这些神圣的自由之战的战场从我们手中夺走，又有哪一片土地不会堆起一层又一层被杀戮而又来不及掩埋的美国人的尸骨呢?但就是这些美国人践踏姐妹邻邦，对贫穷软弱的墨西哥人说：“放弃你们的国土吧，你们不配拥有它。我已经有了一半了，我向你要的不过是那另一半！”英国人，在上述情况下，可能吩咐我们说：“放弃大西洋坡地吧──放弃从阿勒格尼山到海边的那片不起眼的土地，那只不过从曼思到圣．马雷，不到你们共和国的三分之一领土又是令人最不感兴趣的那部分领土。”那麽，我们将如何回答呢?他们会说，我们必须把这土地让给约翰．布尔。爲什麽?“他缺少空间”。密西根的参议员说他必须要这片土地。天哪，我尊敬的基督徒兄弟，这是根据那条正义的原则呢?“我缺少空间！”

先生，瞧瞧这条缺少空间的借口吧。两千万人口，拥有一亿公顷的土地。以各种能够想象出来的理由招募人去开发，每公顷的地价低到二十五美分，并且允许任何人选择他喜欢的任何地方。但是，密西根的参议员说，数年内，我们的人口将达到两亿，所以我们缺少空间。倘若我是墨西哥人，我就会告诉你，“在你们自己的国家，没有埋葬人的空间吗?如果你们到我的国家来，我们将用带血的双手迎接你们，欢迎你们到好客的坟墓中去。”…

前些日子，我有点惊讶地听那位来自密西根的参议员宣称，欧洲已经快把我们忘得干干净净了，除非用这些战争来唤醒他们的注意力。我想，参议员先生很感激总统先生，因爲他“唤醒”了欧洲。我希望总统先生通晓民事与军事的知识，他是否记得有人说过他曾长期思考过历史，长期思考过人类、人的本质和人的真正命运。孟德斯 鸠对这种“唤醒”方式没有什麽好感。他说：“如果一个民族的年鉴是枯燥无味的话，那麽这个民族就有福了。”

密西根的参议员先生的观点则不同。他认爲，一个民族除非以战争著称，否则就不是一个杰出的民族。他担心酣睡的欧洲无能力察觉这儿有两千万盎格鲁．撤克逊人，在铺铁路、开运河，正飞速地将所有和平的手段发展到优秀文明的最完美的程度！他们对此一无所知！那麽，爲了使我们声名远扬，这种创造历史的民主方武将采取的绝妙手段是什麽呢?轰炸城市，摧毁和平、幸福的家园，枪杀男人──唉，先生，这就是战争──而且还枪杀妇女……

有一个与这个问题相关的话题，每次提及这话题，便使我发抖。可是，我却忍不住要留意它。你每采取一个步骤都会碰到它，无论你以何种方式发动这场战争，它都威胁着你。我指的是奴隶制问题。显而易见，反对奴隶制的进一步漫延是一个深深植根在我们称之爲非蓄奴州的所有党派人士心中的决心。纽约、宾夕法尼亚、俄亥俄这三个最强大的州已经把他们的法律指令送交到此。我相信，所有其它州也会这样做。现在推测其缘由毫无用处。南方的先生们可能会称之爲偏见、欲望、虚僞和狂热。在这一点上、我现在不与他们争论。事实的确如此。我们关切的是了解这一个重要的事实。你我都无法变更或改变这个观点，即使我们愿意的话。这些人只会说，我们不会、也不能同意你在不存在奴隶制的地方实行奴隶制。如果你们州里存在奴隶制，他们不想打扰你，你就好好受用吧，如果你想而且能够的话。这就是他们的语言；这就是他们的打算。南方的情况如何呢?指望他们同样流血出资来谋取那片广 大的土地，然后，又指望他们心甘情愿地放弃他们把奴隶带到那儿、并居住在那被征服的国土的权利。如果他们想那样于的话。这怎么可能呢?先生，我太了解南方人的感情和观点了。我对他们丝毫不抱这种指望。我相信，他们会竭尽全力争取这种权利，即使他们并不想行使这种权利。我相信，在这可怕的问题上，双方都同样固执己见。(我承认，当我想到这一点的时候，我颤抖了。)

那么，如果我们坚持发动战争，如果战争不是仅仅以无端浪费生命与财富而告终，就必然(正如此议案所提议的那样)以取得领土而告终，而这场争论必然立刻与这片领土联系在一起。──那么，这项议案就似乎是彻头彻尾的一项引发内部混乱的议案。倘若我们再延长这场战争一分钟，或再多花上一美元来购买或占领哪怕是一公顷墨西哥的土地的话，北方和南方便将被带入一场双方都不会妥协的冲突之中。谁能预见或预知其后果！谁会如此大胆或鲁莽以至于面对这种冲突而无动于衷！如果一个人能意识到这种冲突的可能性，而又不至于被痛苦的感情所折服，那麽，我决不会羡幕这种人的心灵。那麽，我们作爲合衆国各主权州的代表，作爲被挑选来捍卫合衆国的人们，爲什麽我们明知道战争的结果必然迫使我们立刻面对一场内战，却要继续这场战争以加速这场可怕的冲突的来临呢?先生，确切地说，这是背叛，是对合衆国的背叛，是对我们选民的最宝贵的利益、最崇高的理想、最珍惜的希望的背叛。冒引起这种冲突的风险是一种犯罪，一种十恶不赦的罪孽，任何邪恶与之相比，都将升华爲美德。哦，总统先生，在我看来，如果地狱能够张口吐出囚禁在它炼狱中的妖魔，吩咐他们来破坏这世界的和谐，来捣碎人们憧憬的最美好的幸福前景的话，那麽完美实现这个魔鬼意图的第一步便将是点燃内战的战火，将合衆国的姐妹州全都抛进这无底的内乱的深渊。今天，我们就站在这深渊的正在崩溃的边缘之上──我们看它血腥的浪潮在我们跟前翻滚──趁现在还来得及，我们爲什麽不能停下来呢?在这儿，道路是明摆着的。我可以说，这是唯一负责任的、谨慎的、真正爱国的路。让我们抛弃一切进一步获取领土的念头，进而立刻停止发动这场战争。让我们把军队召回来吧，立刻把他们召回到我们自己承认的边界内。向墨西哥表明，当你们说你们不希望占领任何东西时，你们是真诚的。墨西哥知道她无法同你们诉诸武力。如果她不曾诉诸武力话，那是因爲她大软弱了，不能在这儿打搅你们。给与她和平，我以性命担保，她就将接受和平。不过，不论她同意与否，你们没有她的同意，照样还会有和平。你们的侵略导致了这场战争；你们的撤军将会恢复和平。那麽，让我们永远地封闭通往内部敌对的途径，回到古老的和谐和古老的通往民族昌盛和水恒的光荣的道路上来。让我们在这儿，在这奉献给合衆国的神圣殿堂里，举行庄严的驱除邪恶的仪式；洗去我们手上沾着的墨西哥人的鲜血，在这圣坛上，在这庇佑我们的圣父的神像前，发誓保卫光荣的世界和平，保卫彼此间永恒的兄弟之情。

Against the Mexican War

What is the territory, Mr. President, which you propose to wrest from Mexico? It is consecrated to the heart of the Mexican by many a well-fought battle with his old Castilian master. His Bunker Hills, and Saratogas, and Yorktowns are there! The Mexican can say, "There I bled for liberty! and shall I surrender that consecrated home of my affections to the Anglo-Saxon invaders? What do they want with it? They have Texas already. They have possessed themselves of the territory between the Nueces and the Rio Grande. What else do they want? To what shall I point my children as memorials of that independence which I bequeath to them, when those battlefields shall have passed from my possession?"

    Sir, had one come and demanded Bunker Hill of the people of Massachusetts, had England's lion ever showed himself there, is there a man over thirteen and under ninety who would not have been ready to meet him? Is there a river on this continent that would not have run red with blood? Is there a field but would have been piled high with unburied bones of slaughtered Americans before these consecrated battlefields of liberty should have been wrested from us? But this same American goes into a sister republic, and says to poor, weak Mexico, "Give up your territory, you are unworthy to possess it; I have got one half already, and all I ask of you is to give up the other!" England might as well, in the circumstances I have described, have come and demanded of us, "Give up the Atlantic slope--give up this trifling territory from the Allegheny Mountains to the sea; it is only from Maine to St. Mary's--only about one third of your Republic, and the least interesting portion of it." What would be the response? They would say we must give this up to John Bull. Why? "He wants room." The Senator from Michigan says he must have this. Why, my worthy Christian brother; on what principle of justice? "I want room!"

    Sir, look at this pretense of want of room. With twenty millions of people, you have about one thousand millions of acres of land, inviting settlement by every conceivable argument, bringing them down to a quarter of a dollar an acre, and allowing every man to squat where he pleases. But the Senator from Michigan says we will be two hundred millions in a few years, and we want room. If I were a Mexican I would tell you, "Have you not room enough in your own country to bury your dead? If you come into mine, we will greet you with bloody hands, and welcome you to hospitable graves." . . .

    I was somewhat amazed the other day to hear the Senator from Michigan declare that Europe had quite forgotten us, till these battles waked them up. I suppose the Senator feels grateful to the President for "waking up" Europe. Does the President, who is, I hope, read in civic as well as military lore, remember the saying of one who had pondered upon history long: long, too, upon man, his nature, and true destiny. Montesquieu did not think highly of this way of "waking up." "Happy," says he, "is that nation whose annals are tiresome."

    The Senator from Michigan has a different view. He thinks that a nation is not distinguished until it is distinguished in war. He fears that the slumbering faculties of Europe have not been able to ascertain that there are twenty millions of Anglo-Saxons here, making railroads and canals, and speeding all the arts of peace to the utmost accomplishment of the refined civilization! They do not know it! And what is the wonderful expedient which this democratic method of making history would adopt in order to make us known? Storming cities, desolating peaceful, happy homes; shooting men--ay, sir, such is war--and shooting women, too. . . .

    There is one topic connected with this subject which I tremble when I approach, and yet I cannot forbear to notice it. It meets you in every step you take; it threatens you which way soever you go in the prosecution of this war. I allude to the question of slavery. Opposition to its further extension, it must be obvious to everyone, is a deeply rooted determination with men of all  parties in what we call the nonslaveholding states. New York, Pennsylvania, and Ohio, three of the most powerful, have already sent their legislative instructions here. So it will be, I doubt not. in all the rest. It is vain now to speculate about the reasons for this. Gentlemen of the South may call it prejudice, passion, hypocrisy, fanaticism. I shall not dispute with them now on that point. The great fact that it is so, and not otherwise, is what it concerns us to know, You and I cannot alter or change this opinion. if we would. These people only say we will not, cannot consent that you shall carry slavery where it does not already exist. They do not seek to disturb you in that institution as it exist in your states. Enjoy it if you will and as you. will. This is their language; this their determination. How is it in the South? Can it be expected that they should expend in common their blood and their treasure in the acquisition of immense territory, and then willingly forgo the right to carry thither their slaves, and inhabit the conquered country if they please to do so? Sir, I know the feelings and opinions of the South too well to calculate on this. Nay, I believe they would even contend to any extremity for the mere right, had they no wish to exert it. I believe (and I confess I tremble when the conviction presses upon me) that there is equal obstinacy on both sides of this fearful question.

    If then, we persist in war, which, if it terminates in anything short of a mere wanton waste of blood as well as money, must end (as this bill proposes ) in the acquisition of territory, to which at once this controversy must attach--this bill would seem to be nothing less than a bill to produce internal commotion. Should we prosecute this war another moment, or expend one dollar in the purchase or conquest of a single lore of Mexican land, the North and the South are brought into collision on a point where neither will yield. Who can foresee or foretell the result! Who so bold or reckless as to look such a conflict in the face unmoved! I do not envy the heart of him who can realize the possibility of such a conflict without emotions too painful to be endured. Why, then, shall we, the representatives of the sovereign states of the Union--the chosen guardians of this confederated Republic, why should we precipitate this fearful struggle, by continuing a war the result of which must be to force us at once upon a civil conflict? Sir, rightly considered, this is treason, treason to the Union, treason to the dearest interests, the loftiest aspirations, the most cherished hopes of our constituents. It is a crime to risk the possibility of such a contest. It is a crime of such infernal hue that every other in the catalogue of iniquity, when compared with it, whitens into virtue. Oh, Mr. President, it does seem to me, if hell itself could yawn and vomit up the fiends that inhabit its penal abodes, commissioned to disturb the harmony of this world, and dash the fairest prospect of happiness that ever allured the hopes of men, the first step in the consummation of this diabolical purpose would be to light up the fires of internal war and plunge the sister states of this Union into the bottomless gulf of civil strife. We stand this day on the crumbling brink of that gulf--we see its bloody eddies wheeling and boiling before us--shall we not pause before it be too late? How plain again is here the path, I may add the only way, of duty, of prudence, of true patriotism. Let us abandon all idea of acquiring further territory and by consequence cease at once to prosecute this war. Let us call home our armies, and bring them at once within our own acknowledged limits. Show Mexico that you are sincere when you say you desire nothing by conquest. She has learned that she cannot encounter you in war, and if she had not, she is too weak to disturb you here. Tender her peace, and, my life on it, she will then accept it. But whether she shall or not, you will have peace without her consent. It is your invasion that has made war; your retreat will restore peace. Let us then close forever the approaches of internal feud, and so return to the ancient concord and the old ways of national prosperity and permanent glory. Let us here, in this temple consecrated to the Union, perform a solemn lustration; let us wash Mexican blood from our hands, and on these altars, and in the presence of that image of the Father of his Country that looks down upon us, swear to preserve honorable peace with all the world and eternal brotherhood with each other.