弗朗西丝.赖特
(FRANCES WRIGHT)


美国爱国主义的意义
The Meaning of Patriotism in America

让我们作为成人,而不是作为小孩,作为人类,而不是作为美国人,作为通情达理的人,而不是作为孤陋寡闻的人来欢庆这个日子。


自美国革命以后的许多年里,在7月4日发表演说习惯上一直是一种荣誉,而且通常是请德高望重的人来道出社区的意见。1828年7月4日,弗朗西丝 (范妮).赖特发表这篇可能是第一次由一位妇女作的独立日演说。赖特(1795-1852)是一位孜孜不倦的社会改革家,她在宗教、婚姻、计划生育、奴隶制和妇女权利的问题上都持有进步观点。她生于苏格兰,1818年第一次到美国访问,还写了一本有关她广泛旅行的书。1824年,她与参加美国革命的法国英雄拉斐德侯爵一起回到美国,并决定在美国定居。

1825年,她在田纳西州购置土地,然后买些奴隶,给他们自由,并为这些前奴隶创建了一个公社。在她的公社失败之后,她就搬到印地安纳州的哈莫尼,加入罗伯特.戴尔.欧文的实验社会主义公社。1829年,赖特和欧文到纽约市定居,在那里共同建立激进的《自由问询报》。她后来成为著名的演说家和作家。


……当我们正确地把1776年7月4日以来的人类历史确定为新时代时,如果我们能在每一周年检查一下我们人类在公正的知识和公正的实践方面所取得的进步,那就是很好的,也就是说,是很有益的。这样,每一个7月4日就会成为时间洪流的潮标,根据这个潮标就可确定人类智力的进步,根据它就可记下每一次接连发生的错误的起落,每一个重要真理的发现,以及公共机构,社会安排,尤其是我们道德感情和精神观念的逐步改善……

近年来,在欧洲大陆,像爱国主义和爱国者这种词已经被用在更广的意义上,比在这里通常所赋予这些词的意义或比在大不列颠所赋予它们的意义要广。自从法国、意大利、西班牙和希腊相继出现政治斗争以来,整个欧洲大陆都在使用爱国主义这个词来表达对公益事业的热爱,表达对多数人利益的兴趣胜于对少数人利益的兴趣,表达人类要从宗教和政府的专制奴役下得到解放的渴望,总之,爱国主义这个词与其说是用来表达某一国家,或者某一具体国家的居民所感兴趣的东西,倒不如说是用来表达全人类所感兴趣的东西。同样地,爱国者这个词是用来表示热爱人类自由和人类改善的人,而不是表示一个仅热爱他生活的国家,或者他所属的那个族群的人。用在这个意义上,爱国主义就是一种美德,爱国者就是一个道德高尚的人。以此理解,一个爱国者就是社会里一个有用的成员,他能够开阔他所遇到的所有人的思路,改善他所接触到的所有人的心情。一个爱国者应该是人类大家庭里的一个有用的成员,他能够确立基本的原则,而且能把他自己的利益、他同伴的利益和他的国家利益融合在人类的利益之中。桂冠和雕像是虚无的东西,而且由于它们很幼稚,所以是有害的。但是,我们能否假定它们是有用的,人们会不会以某种理由将它们单单授予这样的一个爱国者……

如果我们最后考虑的这种爱国主义有可能在某一国家里获得,那么当然是在这个国家里,在这个万国之乡的国家里,在这个国家公民的血管里,地球上所有民族的血都在他们的血管里流着。就其独自的意思而言,爱国主义这个词肯定不是为美国造的。如果它在各处都有害,那么在这里就是既有害又荒唐。人之初是反对它的。各种制度的原则对它是不利的。我们正在庆祝的这个日子是反对它的。特别是美国人应孕育出一种更高尚的情操,一种与他们的起源更一致,更有助于他们未来改善的情操。特别是美国人应当知道他们为什么热爱自己的国家,应当感到他们热爱自己的国家,不是因为这是他们的国家,而是因为这是人类自由的保障,是人类改善的好景象。尤其是美国人,应当检查一下他们的制度,应当感到他们为这些制度而自豪是因为它们是以公正的原则为基础的。尤其是美国人,应当检查一下他们的制度,因为他们有改善它们的手段,应当检查一下他们的法律,因为他们能随意改变它们。他们应当撇开奢华,他们的财富在于勤奋;他们应当撇开无益的炫耀,他们的力量在于知识;他们应当撇开野心勃勃出人头地的想法,他们的原则应当是平等。他们不应当休息,不应当满足于言语,他们应当干点实事,他们应当记住平等指的不是仅仅政治权利的平等,不管它有多宝贵,而是指教育的平等和道德的平等,要记住自由指的不是仅在选举时投票,而是自由无畏地运用智力,是那种从经过推理的意见和始终如一的实践中进发出来的镇静自若。他们应当以原则为荣而不是以人为荣,纪念事件而不是纪念日子,在他们高兴的时候,应当知道为什么高兴,应当仅仅为过去和现在为人类带来和平和幸福的事而高兴。我们今天所纪念的事件已经在相当程度上取得这两者,而且在人类改善的进程中将取得比我们现在能想象到的更多。为此──为我们人类已经获得的和即将获得的好处,让我们欢欣鼓舞吧!但是,让我们作为成人,而不是作为小孩,作为人类,而不是作为美国人,作为通情达理的人,而不是作为孤陋寡闻的人来欢庆这个日子。那么,我们是否应当为美好的目的和美好的感情而高兴,我们是否应当改善曾经在今天所取得的胜利,直至全人类都能和我们共同欢庆独立为止。


The Meaning of Patriotism in America

. . . . Dating, as we justly may. a new era in the history of man from the Fourth of July, 1776, it would be well--that is, it would be useful--if  on each anniversary we examined the progress made by our species in just knowledge and just practice. Each Fourth of July would then stand as a tidemark in the flood of time by which to ascertain the advance of the human intellect, by which to note the rise and fall of each successive error, the discovery of each important truth, the gradual melioration in our public institutions, social arrangements, and, above all, in our moral feelings and mental views. . . .

    In continental Europe, of late years, the words patriotism and patriot have been used in a more enlarged sense than it is usual here to attribute to them, or than is attached to them in Great Britain. Since the political struggles of France, Italy, Spain, and Greece, the word patriotism has been employed, throughout continental Europe, to express a love of the public good; a preference for the interests of the many to those of the few, a desire for the emancipation of the human race from the thrall of despotism, religious and civil: in short, patriotism there is used rather to express the interest felt in the human race in general than that felt for any country, or inhabitants of a country, in particular. And patriot, in like manner, is employed to signify a lover of human liberty and human improvement rather than a mere lover of the country in which he lives, or the tribe to which he belongs. Used in this sense, patriotism is a virtue, and a patriot a virtuous man. With such an interpretation, a patriot is a useful member of society, capable of enlarging all minds and bettering all hearts with which he comes in contact; a useful member of the human family, capable of establishing fundamental principles and of merging his own interests, those of his associates, and those of his nation in the interests of the human race. Laurels and statues are vain things, and mischievous as they are childish; but could we imagine them of use, on such a patriot alone could they be with any reason bestowed....

    If such a patriotism as we have last considered should seem likely to obtain in any country, it should be certainly in this. In this which is truly the home of all nations and in the veins of whose citizens flows the blood of every people on the globe. Patriotism, in the exclusive meaning, is surely not made for America. Mischievous everywhere, it were here both mischievous and absurd. The very origin of the people is opposed to it. The institutions, in their principle, militate against it. The day we are celebrating protests against it. It is for Americans, more especially, to nourish a nobler sentiment; one more consistent with their origin, and more conducive to their future improvement. It is for them more especially to know why they love their country; and to feel that they love it, not because it is their country, but because it is the palladium of human liberty--the favored scene of human improvement. It is for them, more especially, to examine their institutions; and to feel that they honor them because they are bused on just principles. It is for them, more especially, to examine their institutions, because they have the means of improving them; to examine their laws, because at will they can alter them. It is for them to lay aside luxury whose wealth is in industry; idle parade whose strength is in knowledge; ambitious distinctions whose principle is equality. It is for them not to rest, satisfied with words, who can seize upon things; and to remember that equality means, not the mere equality of political rights, however valuable, but equality of instruction and equality in virtue; and that liberty means, not the mere voting at elections, but the free and fearless exercise of the mental faculties and that self-possession which springs out of well-reasoned opinions and consistent practice. It is for them to honor principles rather than men--to commemorate events rather than days; when they rejoice, to know for what they rejoice, and to rejoice only for what has brought and what brings peace and happiness to men. The event we commemorate this day has procured much of both, and shall procure in the onward course of human improvement more than we can now conceive of. For this--for the good obtained and yet in store for our race--let us rejoice! But let us rejoice as men, not as children--as human beings rather than as Americans--as reasoning beings, not as ignorants. So shall we rejoice to good purpose and in good feeling; so shall we improve the victory once on this day achieved, until all mankind hold with us the Jubilee of Independence.